Diplomacy Dersi 7. Ünite Sorularla Öğrenelim

What does neoclassical realism posit?

Neoclassical realism posits that making sense of the tangible factors out there is made through the intangible factors that constitute states’ identities and values.

What were new realities of the world that challenged America and  led Americans to go through a soul-searching process?

The steady increase in material power capabilities of non-western powers, the abject failure of the American nation-building projects in different quarters of the globe, the economic crisis that hit the western world severely in late 2008 and the growing appeal of non-western world visions have led Americans to go through a soul-searching process and find ways to successfully adapt to the new realities on the ground.

In waht way is Russia not on an equal footing with China in view of Americans? 

Russia is a power in decay and many of the policies it has adopted in recent years reflect its growing incapacity to deal with the western encroachment on its near abroad. That is to say that it is highly unlikely for the Russian Federation to threaten the security interests of transatlantic allies as it had in the past. Russia is very much dependent on the West in terms of technology, markets for its natural resources and foreign direct investment. Besides, Russia is suffering from a decreasing population with a grave alcohol problem.

How did the terrorist attacks on U.S. territories on Sep. 11, 2001 affect U.S. foreign policy? 

The ominous terrorist attacks on U.S. territories on Sep. 11, 2001, did not only awaken the American rulers to the rise of a new world order that might not be as hospitable as the one before, but also urged them to engage in a global war on terror, during which American troops set foot in Afghanistan to topple Taliban and in Iraq to overthrow Saddam’s
regime. That the U.S. mainly adopted a unilateral and militaristic course of action in its efforts both to defeat the forces of evil in the wider Middle Eastern region and midwife liberal democratic regimes across the globe.

What are the two advantages of China's economic relations with non-western world?

On one hand, Chinese factories could still continue producing goods no matter their access to developed western markets becomes difficult due to their contraction during crisis times. On the other hand, China
could import many of the raw materials from these countries that it needs for its production capacity to continue. China is a resource poor country and it needs to import commodities from abroad.

The United States is no longer in a mood of planning long-term nation-building projects in war-torn and post-conflict societies. Why?

The failures in Iraq, Afghanistan and Syria demonstrate that the U.S. is not good at nation-building. Withdrawal from Iraq and Afghanistan has strengthened the U.S.’s reluctance to get militarily involved in similar theaters, such as Syria. Both Obama and Trump recognized that the U.S. should no longer play the role of global hegemon in maintaining peace and security.

What is Russian view in relation to western security institutions?

In Russian thinking, western security institutions, most notably NATO, should not be the main regional platforms in which questions of European security are discussed. The Russian President Putin argued back in 2007 in Munich that a new security architecture should be constructed in Europe that would accommodate Russia’s security interests much better than the existing platforms.

What is the target of global powers?

Global powers do not only aim at maximizing their power capabilities at the expense of their rivals but also endeavor to midwife a particular external environment that reflects their values and norms.

Who is China’s foreign policy made by? 

China’s foreign policy is made by the Chinese Communist Party organs many of which are chaired by the president of State. The head of the
state is also the secretary general of the party and commander in chief of the people’s liberation army. All state bureaucracy dealing with foreign policy is structured in a hierarchic and centralized way. The participation of civil society organizations and other non-state actors in the formulation of China’s foreign policy interests is extremely limited. China is a highly centralized and authoritarian state.

How do Russian rulers perceive western intention related to the principle of ‘responsibility to protect’ ?

Russian rulers do not want to see that the principle of ‘responsibility to protect’ drive international involvement in conflict-riven places. There are no universally-agreed human rights and the use of force in the name of ‘responsibility to protect’ would only mask western imperial designs on other places.

What is the conventional American view concerning China’s rise?

The conventional American view concerning China’s rise is that the U.S. would do well to help integrate China into existing international institutions so that China would gradually act as a responsible stakeholder and demonstrate more commitment to the preservation of the existing order. In the eyes of Americans, China is certainly posing a serious challenge to U.S. global primacy.

Why is there a strong ‘isolationist’ impulse in American diplomatic practices?

Unless other continents, most notably Europe and Asia, came under the domination of an antiAmerican power block and unless any other global power threatened the U.S. national interests by trying to take a strong presence in America’s near abroad, the U.S. leaders did not show strong enthusiasm to pursue ambitious policies to institutionalize American dominance across the globe.

The end of the Cold War era paved the way for strengthening American primacy across the globe. What was the impact of this fact on the globe?

The end of the Cold War era paved the way for strengthening American primacy across the globe, as no other power was in a position to shake up the foundations of this uni-polar era for about fifteen years. The 1990s and much of the 2000s demonstrated that the U.S. was the indispensable power on earth. Through its involvement, both the ethnic wars in the Balkans came to an end and western norms and intuitions were enlarged to erstwhile communist countries in central and eastern Europe. The enlargement of NATO and European Union towards the former communist countries bolstered the U.S. primacy in Europe,
whereas the percolation of the so-called Washington consensus across the globe solidified the capitalist and liberal-democratic principles in other locations.

What are the reasons that led both presidents ( Obama and Trump) to put nation-building at home at the center of their foreign policies?

The relative decline in American material power capabilities and the rise of alternative ideational and normative challenges put by non-western powers appear to have led both presidents to put nation-building at home at the center of their foreign policies. This introvert approach and increasing aversion from military engagements abroad seem to have strengthened the realist, pragmatic and isolationist tendencies in U.S foreign policy.

In what sense are American presidents are weaker compared to their Chinese and Russian counterparts?

Compared to their Chinese and Russian counterparts, American presidents are weaker in the sense that they need to share authority with the US Congress.

Due to its open society character, civil society organizations, organized interests groups, other states and ethnic lobbies have access to key
decision makers located in Washington.

How was the U.S. affected by its geographical location?

Being walled from other places through two oceans to the east and west, enabled the early generations to focus their attention solely on economic development and political cohesion at home.

The US does not want to play the role of benign hegemon any longer in maintaining peace and security. What message is the U.S. now sending to European allies? 

European allies should  spend more on their security and defense. They should both speed up their integration process within EU and contribute more strategic and military capabilities to NATO.

What is the message China is trying to give through the initiatives such as ‘One Road One Belt’ Project and the formation of the Asian
Infrastructure and Investment Bank?

Through such initiatives, China is trying to give the message that it very
much values the development of underdeveloped and developing countries because there is a mutually constitutive relationship between China’s development at home and the development of non-developed others abroad.

What is the U.S.’ view of Russia for the dynamics of Russian-American relations?

According to many American foreign and security policy experts, the ideology of Putinism is clearly anti-American, revivalist, nationalistic and unilateral. Despite such a grim picture of Putin’s Russia, Americans do
not put Russia on an equal footing with China.

What is Chinese foreign policy, particularly concerning its relations with the United States?

The main characteristic of Chinese foreign policy, particularly concerning its relations with the United States, seems to be avoiding taking clear stances on issues that directly touch upon vital American interests or global concerns. Unless the issues at hand concern Taiwan, Hong Kong, Tibet, Uighur region or the islands in the South and East China Seas, China tends to eschew taking responsibility in global governance issues.

What does the success of the EU contribution to international peace and cooperation stem from?

The contribution of the EU to international peace and cooperation mainly stems from its success in institutionalizing the post-modern logic in interstate relations that increasingly casts doubts on the legitimacy of ‘self-other’ dichotomies. The postmodern values of cosmopolitanism, multiculturalism, secular universalism, multiple interdependencies and soft-power oriented policies abroad have gradually transcended the modern practices of balance of power politics, realpolitik security strategies, selfother distinctions and the prioritization of hard power instruments in interstate relations.

What is the message that China has been giving to other countries in economic arena?

China has now become the number one tradingpartner of not only its neighbors to the south and east but also many developed countries in the West. This suggests that these countries would do well to pay significant attention to their access to Chinese markets, as well as their ability to borrow from China. The message they have been  giving to others is that should Chinese economic development slow down, meaning China no longer acting as the global factory and Chinese customers not buying western goods, this would severely impact the global economy.

How does the growing chaos and anarchy in the Middle East and North Africa impact the EU?

The growing chaos and anarchy in the Middle East and North Africa also presents the EU with a very serious strategic challenge. The erosion of the decades-long territorial borders in these regions, particularly following the rise of Islamic State in Iraq and Syria, not only puts the bilateral and multilateral relations that the EU has developed with the incumbent regimes in these regions in jeopardy but also presents the EU members with the problem of continuous migration. Figuring out how to deal with the emerging humanitarian problems in the spirit of EU’s multicultural and universal integration has proved to be a fallacy as EU members are still far away from adopting common policies that offer long-term solutions. Neither the well-established regional initiatives of the EU have been revised in the process of adaptation to the changing dynamics in the so-called greater Middle Eastern region nor has the EU adopted specific solutions to the emergent problems in the region from a strategic perspective.

What is Russia criticized for by western circles?

Russia being criticized by western circles of pursuing aggressive, assertive and neo-imperial policies in its near-abroad. The major criticism directed to Russia is that unlike the post-modern powers of the European Union and the liberal power the United States, Russia acts as
a typical realpolitik power which deeply believes in the primacy of material power capabilities, the use of brute military force and commanding spheres of influence in global power politics. Russia is believed to have been acting as a nineteenth century power in the twenty-first century.

In what sense China deems its phenomenal rise as part of its normalization process?

Chinese see their country’s efforts to leave behind the ‘centuries of
humiliation’ for good as China’s rightful return to its glorious days, the majority of westerners tend to feel skeptical about the end results of this process. To many Chinese, China had been the cradle of global politics for ages by the time the western European nations eclipsed China in terms of economic output, technological innovations and military capabilities. By the middle of the 19th century, nearly half of global economic production had originated from China. Therefore, the Chinese believe that their country’s rise in recent decades should not be interpreted as the success story of an ordinary country climbing up the ladder of power. Instead, Chinese share the view that China’s recent successes are manifestations of China’s normalization and returning to world history as a major power.

In what way does China's approach differ from western countries regarding the  relationships established with many resource-rich countries in Africa and Asia?

Unlike western countries, China does not make the way how those countries are ruled internally an issue in its economic relations with them. As opposed to western powers, China does not ask those countries to fulfill some preconditions in order to construct economic
relations with China as well as become eligible for Chinese developmental aids.

What leads Russia to global primacy in Russian strategic thinking?

In Russian strategic thinking, the road to global primacy passes through the entrenchment of Russia’s geopolitical influence in Europe and Eurasia. It is where Russia finds itself in strategic competition with the West.

In what way does China's attitude differ from other Asian tigers, namely
Taiwan, South Korea, Singapore and Hong Kong in economic relations with the world? 

China, unlike other Asian tigers, namely Taiwan, South Korea, Singapore and Hong Kong, has not followed the strategy of protecting its internal market behind trade walls and singling out key sectors where the state would invest overwhelmingly. Right from the very beginning of its opening to the outside world in late 1970s, China has adopted the view that China’s internal markets would be open to foreign companies for investment and China’s competitive advantage would emanate from its cheap labor.

Why has Russia been discontent with NATO’s enlargement towards the erstwhile communist states of Central and Eastern Europe?

Putin being no exception, the Russian establishment of the post-Cold era has been subscribed to the view that Russia has been deceived by the Western powers in that NATO’s enlargement occurred to the detriment of Russia’s geopolitical interests and priorities.

Which particular points different schools of thought in Russian diplomacy share in common?

Despite their different conceptualization of the Western world, all of these schools of thought share something in common, which is the idea that Russia deserves to be treated respectfully and fairly by Western actors. Russian elites are very much obsessed with the ideas that Russia is historically and empirically entitled to have an equal standing with the West and Russia’s greatness and distinctiveness should be recognized by outside actors.

How did western powers interpret the dissolution of the Soviet Union?

Western powers tended to interpret the dissolution of the Soviet Union as an historic victory on their side and overlooked the Russian strategic concerns for long. Rather than treating Russia as a defeated power and imposing a peace settlement on it, similar to what victories western powers did to Germany in the immediate aftermath of the First World War, they should have done their best to make sure that post-Soviet Russia feel itself as part of the emerging security order in Europe.

Who is the Russian foreign policy made by?

Russian foreign policy is most of the time made by the president, in consultation with particular state institutions that are supposed to aid the president in this process. Russia is an extremely centralized and authoritarian state suggesting that foreign policy is mainly the business of the state.