Theories Of International Relations 2 Dersi 3. Ünite Sorularla Öğrenelim

What are the six key concepts of classical liberal philosophy that are commonly mentioned by the liberal writers? 

There are six key concepts of classical liberal philosophy that are commonly mentioned by the liberal writers, these are; individualism, freedom, natural law, spontaneous order, rule of law and limited state. The different classifications of classical liberalism is based on different interpretations of these six core elements.

What is "Stoicism"?

hat human beings are all part of a larger community despite their different political entities and cultures. The equality of people comes from the universal ability of human kind to reason and the applicability of natural law. The emphasis on universalism in stoic philosophy affected liberal precursors like Hugo Grotius (17th century) and Immanuel Kant (19th century).

What is the philosophical foundation of the individual freedom?

The philosophical foundation of the individual fredom is the natural law or natural rights. It is argued to be crucial for any society to live and prosper together. The natural law denotes the customs and practices that serve as the general conditions to be preserved. In this connection, the natural rights are “right to life, right to liberty and right to property”. The natural law understanding of the classical liberals like David Hume and Adam Smith were based on the Grotian views which highlight the stability of possession, its transference by individuals’ consent and keeping promises for sustaining an orderly and stable social life. The acceptance of the natural law comes prior to the establishment of a government that has ended the state of nature. The consequence was the acceptance of the principle that freedom could only be guaranteed under the rule of law (van de Haar, 2009, 26-28).

What is the differnce between "negative freedom" and "positive freedom"?

This essential principle of liberalism, freedom of the individual is based on “negative freedom” which is freedom from arbitrary authority and includes freedom of conscience, a free press, free speech, equality under the law, the right to hold and exchange property. Freedom is also based on rights necessary to protect and promote these circumstances (capacity and opportunities) for freedom, known as “positive freedoms” such as equality of opportunity in education, right to health care services and employment. A third kind of liberal rights is democratic participation or representation. The liberal tradition in time has split in two, laissez faire (conservative) liberalism and social welfare (democracy) liberalism that converge again on four basic institutions. These are juridical equality of citizens, representative democracy (sovereigns representing their electorate), recognition of rights of private property, and limited control of state on economy (forces of supply and demand to determine the economic decisions) (Doyle, 1983, 206-207).

What are the ideas of Immanuel Kant?

Immanuel Kant as a philosopher of the Enlightenment on the other hand argued that human reason one day would be mature enough to establish a world society of harmony and peace. Kant believed in human dignity and that justice could be secured through a universal political order. He is a precursor of liberal internationalism (idealism), and more contemporary schools like the democratic peace research program. However, it is argued that some of his ideas conflict “to a certain extent” with bases of classical liberalism. For instance, Kant argued that rational capacities of humans could overcome both traditions and the passions. Kantian understanding of the government was more authoritarian when compared with that of classical liberals due to his argument that state would determine the individual property rights (van de Haar, 2009, 37-38).

Kant was influential on the liberal internationalists who were more optimist, idealist about the future course of global politics. Kant argued that a league or federation of republics (representative democracies) will learn ways to avoid wars. The arguments of liberal writers like Kant, Cobden and Schumpeter show that it is the “nature” of the state and society, or the nature of the regime, the ideas they are based on, that determine the likelihood of aggression and likelihood to resort to war (Viotti & Kauppi, 2012, 134-135). 

What is "Grotian tradition"?

According to the Grotian tradition, states in international anarchy are constrained by rules of law and by the interest in preserving the international society and its institutions (like balance of power, concert of great powers, diplomacy and international organizations). International society is an anarchical one, in which rules are interpreted, administered; power is decentralized, justice is imperfect, however the society is thought to own the traditions of civilization (Bull, 1981, 733). The idea of natural rights and natural law in classical liberalism are central in the discussions about human rights, just war and humanitarian intervention. According to the liberal tradition, state is seen as the defender of classical human rights in both domestic and international spheres. This understanding is in line with the Grotian position and later has evolved to the English School.

When did liberal internationalism reach its zenith?

Based on the principles of Enlightenment and classical liberal theory of IR, liberal internationalism reached its zenith during the interwar years (World Wars), mostly recognized with Woodrow Wilson’s Fourteen Points.

What was the system of collective security argued by the most well-known liberal internationalist Wilson?

The most well-known liberal internationalist Wilson in the aftermath of the WWI argued for a system of collective security to maintain peace, based on rule of law, instead of the old balance of power mechanism. So, their ideal liberal peace would be based on “open diplomacy, the right of self-determination, free trade, disarmament, the peaceful settlement of disputes and the establishment of the League of Nations (LN) as an international security organization (MacMillan, 2007, 21-27).

The Wilsonian doctrine revolved around the concept of “collective security” aiming to provide security for all states, by the action of all states, against all states that might challenge the existing order. This system would be completely different from the former balance of power system; thus, Wilson’s argument was for “change”. However, collective security as an idea was seen by some realists as an effort of idealists to escape from the reality of problem of the management of power (Claude, 1967, 110). The League was supposed to resolve the clash of interests and differences but the outbreak of the WWII was a blow to this ideal.

What is “functionalism" theory developed by David Mitrany?

In post-WWII Western European politics, liberals such as David Mitrany studied the nature of international collaboration and how it could be achieved through apolitical processes in his integration theory named “functionalism”. According to Mitrany, nonpolitical experts could better deal with their areas of technical expertise and initiate collaboration which in time would expand into other areas as well. The ever closer union of Western Europe increased the attention towards liberal integration theories and the question evolved this time around whether political integration could be achieved or not. The pooling of sovereignty to the institutions of the European integration increased the expectations for a European federation and theorists following Ernst Haas put forth the assumptions of “neofunctionalism” that affiliated integration with political processes and the loyalty of the political elites to this idea of integration (Viotti & Kauppi, 2012, 138-139). Haas asked the questions, “how and why states cease to be wholly sovereign, how and why they voluntarily mingle, merge and mix with their neighbors… while acquiring new techniques for resolving conflict among them”. Haas defined integration as “a process for the creation of political communities defined in institutional and attitudinal terms” (Haas, 1970, 610- 611). Among his generalizations for the regularities observed within the industrialized-pluralistic nations (such as the case of economic integration of Western Europe) were: (1) interests of the governments and groups in direction of interdependence and mutual benefits (2) collective decisions, (3) spill-over and (4) the faith of elites in increased integration (618).

What were the three strands of classical liberal theory listed in Robert Keohane's studies?

Robert Keohane in his studies, listed three strands of classical liberal theory as (1) commercial liberalism about the pacific effects of trade, (2) democratic liberalism about pacific effects of republican governments, (3) regulatory liberalism about rules and institutions for relations between countries. Joseph Nye has added a fourth one (4) sociological liberalism about the effects of transnational ties on national attitudes and interests (Nye, 1988, 246).

How did the liberal theory evolve beginning in 1970s?

Beginning in 1970s, the liberal theory evolved into a more realist version compared with both classical liberalism and liberal internationalism. This became more apparent with the welfare liberals who based their ideas on Keynesian doctrines of increased role of state in economics that brought economic nationalism on the agenda again. The doctrinal elements of liberalism were reevaluated under the light of changing international circumstances (MacMillan, 2007, 26). In the decade after 1970, international organizations still mattered and were accepted as independent variables creating influence on states. With it, there was a new “institutionalist” turn in the liberal theory, still shaped by the Grotian tradition since the emphasis was on rules voluntarily established by states for order in international relations (Viotti & Kauppi, 2012, 145). The post-WWII development of the liberal tradition in IR theory was a departure from classical liberalism towards regional integration namely neofunctionalism, followed by institutionalism (Nye, 1988, 241).

What are the four main assumptions of liberal tradition?

liberal tradition has four main assumptions: (1) pluralist image of world politics where states, non-state and transnational entities are important actors (2) economic interdependence or interconnectedness where network of states, governmental and non-governmental organizations, multinational corporations, groups and individuals turn into a global civil society that has a pacifying affect on states (3) an extensive agenda composed of all issue areas not limited with military and security issues but involving economic, social and environmental ones (4) individual level of analysis, opposed to a top-down analysis of structural realism and analysis of decision-making processes with an eye to individual, social, cultural differences.

In what sense do liberals reject the distinction made by realists between international and domestic politics?

Another characteristic of the liberal tradition is that liberals reject the distinction made by realists between international and domestic politics, since they see foreign policy as an extension of the latter. This is also why, they do not differentiate between the political processes in the two spheres and analyze the decision-making processes as a multiactor pluralism of individuals interacting with each other, such as forming coalitions and countercoalitions to reach consensus. This can easily be seen in the liberal decision-making theories based on ageny which is the individual decisionmaker(s). Opposing to the realist dedication to nationstate as the focus of analysis, in liberal view, the political processes are foci and are formed through competition and cooperation among individuals and groups as agents (representing both state and non-state actors) (Viotti & Kauppi, 2012, 136-7).

What is "The regime theory"?

The regime theory is also an outgrowth of neoliberal institutionalism in 1980s, (neglecting those scholars that accept it totally in the realist tradition). Neoliberalism argues that international organizations and regimes build a system of rules and conventions for cooperation and the punishment of defectors, as a result creating an environment where all participants gain from the subject cooperation (van de Haar, 2009, 144). Institutionalists are less idealistic than internationalists and put more emphasis on cooperation through regimes and institutions. The regime theory puts forth that social institutions govern the actions in the international arena. These rules or formal agreements make the international arena more predictable and less anarchic, more pluralist in terms of actors and less war prone. International regimes are principles, norms, rules and procedures that regulate relations and are analytical constructs associated with governmental and non-governmental organizations (Viotti &Kauppi, 2012, 145). There are realist, liberal (institutionalist) and constructive (cognitive) regime theories.

How does Robert Keohane explain the role of institutions?

Robert Keohane explained the role of institutions as “persistent and connected sets of formal and informal rules that prescribe behavioral roles, constrain activity and shape expectations”. In his words, international institutions could take one of three forms: (1) formal intergovernmental or cross-national, non-governmental organizations, (2) international regimes, and (3) conventions (customary norms and practices). Keohane was closer to neorealists in his efforts to explain why even egoists behave in a cooperative manner, but he still distinguished his studies as neoliberal institutionalism under a distinct theory (Viotti &Kauppi, 2012, 148).

What are three variants of neoliberal theory according to Andrew Moravcsik?

According to Andrew Moravcsik, there are three variants of neoliberal theory, the common ground of which is the relationship between social preferences and state behavior. Ideational liberalism discusses the effects of the conflict and compatibility of collective social values and identities as regards public (collective) goods provision (like geographical border, political decision-making processes and socioeconomic regulation) on state behavior. Commercial liberalism is about the effects of gains and losses of the people in transactional economics on the state behavior. Finally, republican liberalism is about the effects of the variants of democratic representation and rentseeking on state behavior. The relationship between the state and its social surrounding (domestic and transnational) shapes the state behavior through first influencing the social purposes and then forming state preferences (1997, 516-7).

What are the core assumptions of the liberal theory explained by Moravcsik?

1. The fundamental actors are individuals who act rationally and are prone to collective action for their interests. Their demands may be towards conflict or cooperation under different social conditions such as divergent beliefs, scarcity of materials and inequality in political power. This means that there is no automatic harmony of interests. An important source of social interests is globalization that offers transnational economic, social and cultural opportunities (2013, 711).

2. States represent some domestic groups, whose interests shape state preferences. The nature of the state institutions and the societal demands shape the foreign policy.

3. The interdependent state preferences shape state behavior, so the costs and benefits to foreign societies when dominant social groups want to realize their preferences are taken into consideration. Thus cooperation (its form, substance and depth) depends on patterns of these preferences and their influences on dominant groups in other states instead of realist priority on configuration of power (Moravcsik, 1997, 516-21).

What is "Global governance" in Kantian terms?

Global governance does not mean a world government in Kantian terms, it involves global institutions to guide and restrain collective activities of agents. Since there is need for consensus and collective decision making mechanisms, it is not easy to realize global governance and it is in the interests of the actors to follow this path or not.

What is democratic peace theory based on?

Following the liberal tradition; democratic peace theory is based on (1) faith in human rationality, (2) capability of maintaining peace, (3) ability to overcome anarchy and power politics and (4) peace enhancing effects of trade (van de Haar, 2009, 147). Kant in his book “Perpetual Peace” (1795) wrote about three definitive articles that had to be accepted by all nations for a perpetual peace to exist. These conditions are as follows; (1) republican constitutions (2) international law and organization (mutual nonaggression pact) and (3) cosmopolitan law (coming from economic interdepence) (Doyle, 1983, 227; Oneal & Russett, 1997, 268). According to liberal economic theory, the economic interdependence is the bond of cosmopolitan ties.

What is the basis of international liberal theory according to Doyle?

According to Doyle, since autonomous citizens have rights to liberty, the states that democratically represent them also have the right to exercise political independence. Mutual recognition of these rights then is the basis of international liberal theory. As states respect each other’s rights, individuals can create private international ties/networks without state interference which is the essence of transnationalism. The web of mutual advantages emanating from these relations and commitments in the form of conventions lead to a cooperative ground for liberal states. This is why theorists believe there is a significant predisposition against warfare between liberal states. They also refer to the number of armed conflicts between states comparing those between liberal and non-liberal states to reach this outcome (Doyle, 1983, 213).